Shoulder to Shoulder : Forging a Strategic U.S.- EU Partnership (1)
Regards-citoyens.com would like to draw your attention to the new publication "
Shoulder to Shoulder : Forging a Strategic U.S.- EU Partnership " and hope that this report will find your interest.
This major
new study offers concrete recommendations for a more effective and strategic US-EU partnership in a G20 world-- including a Transatlantic Solidarity Pledge; new U.S--EU security links; a zero
tariff trade deal; an invigorated approach to Europeś neighborhood; and many more. The study is the result of a unique collaboration between 3 US think tanks and 8 European think tanks, together
with the Swedish, Spanish and Czech EU Presidencies. A companion report on NATOs future, Alliance Reborn, was released last spring. The principal authors will be Dan Hamilton, Director of
the Center for Transatlantic Relations at Johns Hopkins University; and Fran Burwell, VP of the Atlantic Council of the United States.
The report : us_eu_report_final_pdf.pdf
Executive Summary
The world that created the transatlantic partnership is fading fast. The United States and Europe must urgently reposition and recast their relationship as a more effective and strategic partnership. It is a moment of opportunity -- to use or to lose.
With the Cold War over and new powers rising, some say the transatlantic partnership has had its day. We disagree. Our achievements may not always match our aspirations, but the common body of accumulated principles, norms, rules and procedures we have built and accumulated together -- in essence, an acquis Atlantique -- affirms basic expectations we have for ourselves and for each other.
In this new world of global connections, the transatlantic relationship is the thickest weave in the web. The deep integration of our democratic societies and economies is unparalleled and transcends neat “foreign” and “domestic” distinctions. We are literally in each other’s business.
North America’s relationship with Europe enables each of us to achieve goals together that neither can alone -- for ourselves and for the world. When we agree, we are usually the core of any effective global coalition. When we disagree, no global coalition is likely to be very effective.
The transatlantic partnership, while indispensable, is also insufficient. Only by banding together with others are we likely to advance our values, protect our interests, and extend our influence.
Our partnership remains as vital as in the past. But now we must focus on a new agenda.
Together, Europe and America must :
* surmount immediate economic challenges while positioning their economies for the
future build transatlantic resilience -- protect our societies, not just
our territory ;
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* continue work toward a Europe whole, free, and at peace ;
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* address conflicts more effectively;
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* redouble efforts to halt proliferation of agents of mass destruction;
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* reinvigorate efforts to preserve a habitable planet.
Unfortunately, there is a growing mismatch between the nature of our challenges, the capacity of our institutions, and the tools at our disposal.
Strong bilateral relations between the U.S. and European countries are still essential. NATO remains vital to our security. We offer views on NATO’s future in a companion volume, Alliance Reborn. But we must also recast and reposition the U.S.-EU relationship. That is the subject of this report.
The U.S.-EU relationship is important but not strategic. Such a partnership is possible, but it is not the partnership we have today. Given the challenges we face, such a partnership is urgent. It will require a new type of politics, not simply new kinds of process. Our central challenge is to mobilize political leadership behind a set of ambitious goals, tied to pragmatic steps forward.
Ten Initiatives
1. Adopt a Transatlantic Solidarity Pledge, anchoring transatlantic resilience strategies in a common space of justice, freedom, and security. Together, Europeans and Americans must supplement their traditional focus on territorial security against armed attack with an additional focus on the security of critical functions of society -- from whatever source. At the 2010 U.S.-EU Summit the transatlantic partners should issue a joint political declaration that they shall act in a spirit of solidarity -- refusing to remain passive -- if either is the object of a terrorist attack or the victim of a natural or man-made disaster, and that they shall mobilize all instruments at their disposal to :
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* prevent terrorist threats to either partner ;
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* protect democratic institutions and civilian populations from terrorist attack ;
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* assist the other, in its territory, at the request of its political authorities, in the event of a terrorist attack, natural or man-made disaster.
Advance a transatlantic Safer Societies initiative to this end -- a multidimensional strategy of societal resilience that goes beyond traditional tools to advance new forms of diplomatic, intelligence, counterterrorism, financial, economic, and law enforcement cooperation. Balance “pursue and protect” strategies with greater attention to prevention and response.
Establish solid coordination between U.S. and EU operation centers.
Negotiate an internationally binding agreement on data protection.
Establish U.S.-EU guidelines on the detention and treatment of terrorists whose acts cross international borders, with a view to drafting a model legal convention on combating terrorism.
Work cooperatively to ensure the earliest possible closure of the Guantánamo detention facility and Bagram prison.
Improve U.S.-EU cooperation in justice and law enforcement :
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* Establish a transatlantic arrest warrant.
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* Establish joint investigation teams, including Europol and Eurojust.
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* Cooperate in new areas of criminal investigation, including cybercrime, trafficking in humans and drugs, and arms smuggling.
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* Reach out together to third states to enhance greater cooperation in law enforcement.
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* Include transatlantic cooperation in EU discussions of the external dimension of internal security.
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* Provide a legal and organizational basis for U.S. cooperation with Europol.
Improve U.S. cooperation with FRONTEX, the new EU border protection agency.
Establish a system of enhanced mobility for our citizens, while also providing a secure environment for those who travel :
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* Expand the Visa Waiver Program.
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* Encourage a European version of the U.S. ESTA
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* Adopt a Transatlantic Registered Travelers System
Develop a U.S.-EU Critical Vulnerabilities Security Action Plan.
Collaborate on security-related research.
Launch a public-private Global Movement Management Initiative (GMMI) as an innovative governance framework to align security and resilience with commercial imperatives in global movement systems, including shipping, air transport, and even the internet.
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* Develop a common standard for port security to replace individual national efforts geared to 100% scanning and based on differing concepts and approaches.
Focus on prevention. The EU’s new Stockholm Program places strong emphasis on prevention, opening doors for transatlantic cooperation on upstream security issues related to risk analysis, research, threat assessments, and disaster mitigation work.
Develop a common approach to “forward resilience” -- share societal resilience strategies with allies and partners. Identify – very publicly -- our own resiliency with that of others.
2. Build a barrier-free Transatlantic Marketplace. Coordinate strategies to reduce remaining tariff barriers, overcome regulatory obstacles, remove investment restrictions, and align future standards in ways that create jobs and promote mutual and sustainable prosperity while protecting health and safety.
Announce a joint commitment to work towards a “tariff only” Free Trade Agreement, eliminating all duties on traded industrial and agricultural products, as an important intermediate goal.
Once such a deal is negotiated, invite others to join in certain sectors or in the overall arrangement.
Negotiate to reduce barriers in services -- the sleeping giant of the transatlantic economy.
Open our skies. The impact of this one single sectoral agreement could give an economic boost to the U.S. and EU economies equivalent to the entire Doha Round.
Boost bilateral regulatory cooperation. Adopt a goal to eliminate unnecessary regulatory differences by 2020. Identify “essentially equivalent” regulations for mutual recognition. Promote “upstream” regulatory cooperation for new technologies.
Address barriers to more sustainable consumption patterns.
Create a more efficient transatlantic financial market. Develop financial sector rules with similar “essentially equivalent” approaches to risk assessment and regulation. Prepare a detailed work program on transatlantic financial market integration. Use transatlantic cooperation to drive international cooperation.
3. Reform global economic governance.
Strengthen global financial regulation.
Create an informal “G2” to compare and coordinate approaches to global economic governance.
Consider a more focused and effective G20.
Establish task forces to lead reform of the World Bank and the IMF.
Work for fundamental governance changes in multilateral institutions.
Consolidate European representation at the IMF. Abolish the U.S. veto.
End the U.S./European leadership duopoly of the World Bank and IMF.
Head off the looming collision between climate policy and trade. Work with G20 partners to develop a “Green Code” of multilateral trade disciplines. Consider new trade negotiations to address potential commercial and climate trade-offs.
Better coordinate approaches to the major emerging economies, especially India and China. Explore a joint trade agreement with India, rather than negotiate rival accords.
4. Forge a partnership for energy sustainability.
Work together to develop the standards needed to support an international climate agreement, including a common metric for counting emissions reductions.
Integrate the EU emissions trading scheme (ETS) with U.S. regional carbon trading schemes.
Advance “minilateral” initiatives to engage China and Russia in efforts to combat climate change.
Boost innovation with a U.S.-EU Clean Energy Bank and Transatlantic Energy Innovation Fund.
Encourage energy efficiency; develop smart grid and carbon capture and storage technologies.
Facilitate IEA membership for major energy consumers such as China and India.
Enhance transparency and competition in energy markets and cross-border investments.
The European Commission should enforce its own competition and antitrust rules. Companies such as Transneft and Gazprom should be held to the same anti-monopoly standards as Microsoft and Intel.
The EU must develop a common energy policy and market.
Work with Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan to secure a reliable supply of gas for the Nabucco pipeline. Encourage Turkey and Azerbaijan to reach appropriate agreements regarding gas transit.
Be more active in preventing politically motivated disruptions in energy flows.
Promote government, research, and business interaction through integrated approaches such as the “One Big Thing” and the Transatlantic Climate Bridge.
5. Complete a Europe, whole, free and at peace.
Deliver a clear message to transition countries: closer association with the West begins at home.
·Remain strongly engaged with the Balkan countries, using good governance and economic development to facilitate integration not into EU and Euro-Atlantic institutions.
Develop transatlantic complements to the EU’s Eastern Partnership and Black Sea Synergy, while also giving those initiatives greater content.
Consider U.S.-EU “Atlantic Accords” for countries in wider Europe to provide political reassurance and substance to a joint commitment to create conditions drawing them closer.
Consider a U.S. Black Sea Charter, similar to the U.S.-Baltic Charter or Adriatic Charter; and a Stability Pact for the Wider Black Sea Region.
Encourage smaller groups of Western countries to ‘mentor’ regional partners.
Actively address wider Europe’s festering conflicts.
Boost democracy support via institutions/processes, not individual leaders.
Advance a dual track approach to Moscow based on engagement and resolve. The first track should set forth the potential benefits of more productive relations. The second track should make it clear that these relations cannot be based on intimidation or outdated notions of spheres of influence but rather on respect for international law, the UN Charter and the Helsinki principles.
... / ... (cf. Shoulder to Shoulder : Forging a Strategic U.S.- EU
Partnership (2) )